Report. 
No.  606. 


62d  Congress,  ) HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES. 

2d  Session.  | 


INDEPENDENT  GOVERNMENT  FOR  THE  PHILIPPINES. 


April  26,  1912. — Committed  to  the  Committee  of  the  Whole  House  on  the  state  of  the 
Union  and  ordered  to  be  printed. 


Mr.  Jones,  from  the  Committee  on  Insular  Affairs,  submitted  the 

following 

REPORT. 

[To  accompany  H.  R.  22143.] 

The  Committee  on  Insular  Affairs,  to  whom  was 
(H.  R.  22143)  entitled  “A  bUl  to  establish  a qualified  independent 
government  for  the  Philippines  and  to  fix  the  date  when  sucn  quali- 
fied independence  shall  become  absolute  and  complete,  and  for  other 
purposes,”  beg  leave  to  report  that  they  have  had  the  same  under  con- 
sideration and  recommend  that  the  said  bill  do  pass  with  the  follow- 
ing amendments,  to  wit: 

Insert  the  words  “and  maintained”  after  the  word  “established,” 
in  line  17  on  page  2 of  the  bill. 

Strike  out  the  word  “such”  after  the  word  “around,”  in  line  10  on 
page  4 of  the  biU,  and  msert  in  heu  thereof  the  words  “any  and  all.” 

Strike  out  the  period  after  the  word  “Philippines,”  in  line  13  on 
page  4 of  the  biU,  and  insert  in  lieu  thereof  a comma  and  add  the 
words  “and  shall  further  guarantee  that  all  property  rights  by  whom- 
soever legally  acquired  shall  be  held  inviolate.” 

Strike  out  the  word  “nineteen”  after  the  word  “April,”  in  line  19 
on  page  4 of  the  bill,  and  insert  in  lieu  thereof  the  word  “eighteen.” 

Strike  out  the  words  “thirty-nine”  after  the  words  “composed  of” 
in  fine  19,  on  page  5 of  the  bill,  and  insert  in  heu  thereof  the  words 
“thirty-eight.” 

Insert  the  word  “and”  after  the  word  “Mindoro  ” in  line  3,  on  page 
6 of  the  bill. 

Strike  out  all  of  the  paragraph  after  the  word  “law”  in  line  5,  on 
page  12  of  the  bill,  and  insert  in  heu  thereof  the  words: 

Provided,  however,  That  from  and  after  the  fourth  day  of  July,  niueteen  hundred  and 
thirteen,  for  a period  of  eight  years,  all  public  acts  of  the  government  of  the  Philip- 
pines shall  be  transmitted,  as  soon  as  practicable  after  their  enactment,  to  the  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States,  who  shall  have  the  absolute  veto  power  over  the  same, 
such  veto  power  to  be  exercised,  if  at  all,  within  thirty  days  after  the  reception  by 
him  of  such  act.  If  he  approve  or  fail  to  veto  such  act,  the  same  shall  be  transmitted 


2 


INDEPENDENT  GOVERNMENT  FOE  THE  PHILIPPINES. 


to  the  Congress  of  the  United  States.  The  Congress  of  the  United  States  during  said 
eight  years’  period  may  annul  any  bill  passed  by  the  Congress  of  the  Philippines  at 
any  time  after  it  may  have  gone  into  effect. 

Strike  out  after  the  word  “was”  in  hne  10,  on  page  13  of  the  bill, 
the  remainder  of  the  paragraph,  and  insert  in  lieu  thereof  the  word 
“sent.” 

Strike  out  the  words  “temporary  or  probationary”  after  the  word 
“the”  in  line  8,  on  page  26,  and  the  words  “for  the  ensuing  eight 
years”  after  the  word  “estabhshed”  in  line  9,  on  page  26,  of  the  bill. 

Before  proceeding  to  outline  the  purposes,  or  to  discuss  the  various 
features  and  different  provisions  of  this  bill,  it  may  be  well  to  indi- 
cate briefly,  and  in  general  terms,  the  character  of  the  instruments  of 
government  employed  in  the  administration  of  the  affairs  of  the 
people  of  the  Philippine  Islands  during  the  13  years  that  have  elapsed 
since  the  ratifications  of  the  treaty  of  peace  between  the  Kingdom  of 
Spain  and  the  United  States  were  exchanged  at  the  city  of  Washing- 
ton. This  exchange,  which  took  place  on  the  11th  day  of  April,  1899, 
constituted  the  consummating  act  in  the  negotiations  whicn  residted 
in  the  leestablishment  of  peace  between  these  two  nations,  and  the 
transfer  of  sovereignty  over  the  Philippine  Islands  from  Spain  to  the 
United  States.  From  this  time  on  and  up  to  the  1st  day  of  Septem- 
ber, 1900,  the  commander  of  the  American  Army  of  occupation  in  the 
Philippine  Islands,  acting  as  military  governor,  exercised  complete 
and  undivided  authority,  legislative  as  well  as  executive,  throughout 
the  Philippine  Archipelago.  In  other  words,  it  may  be  said  that  dur- 
ing this  period  the  government  of  the  Philippine  islands  was  essen- 
tially a military  autocracy. 

In  an  official  communication,  bearing  date  the  7th  day  of  April,  1900, 
the  President  of  the  United  States  informed  the  Secretary  of  War  of 
the  appointment  by  liim  of  a commission  to  the  Phihppine  Islands, 
composed  of  five  eminent  Americans,  namely,  the  lion.  Wilham  H. 
Taft,  Prof.  Dean  C.  Worcester,  lion.  Luke  I.  Wright,  Hon.  Henry  C. 
Ide,  and  Prof.  Bernard  IMoses,  of  wliicli  Mr.  Taft  was  to  be  the  presi- 
dent. This  Executive  order  set  forth  vith  some  particularity  the 
powers  and  duties  conferred  upon  tliis  commission,  and  transferred, 
on  and  after  the  1st  day  of  September,  1900,  from  the  military  gov- 
ernor to  tliis  new  governing  body,  of  at  least  doubtful  constitutionahty, 
“that  part  of  the  government  in  the  Philippine  Islands  which  is  of  a 
legislative  nature.” 

By  a subsequent  Executive  order,  bearing  date  June  21,  1901,  the 
Hon.  William  II.  Taft,  the  president  of  the  Philippine  Commission, 
was  appointed  civil  governor  of  the  islands  and  empowered  to  exercise 
all  executive  authority  on  and  after  the  4th  day  of  July,  1901.  From 
and  after  that  date  the  military  governor  was  reheved  from  the  per- 
formance of  civil  duties,  except  as  to  those  districts  in  which  insurrec- 
tion against  the  Government  of  the  United  States  continued  to  exist 
or  in  which  public  order  was  not  completely  estabhshed.  Thence- 
forth and  up  to  the  enactment  by  Congress  of  the  act  of  July  1,  1902, 
the  Taft  Commission,  in  the  meantime  increased  to  eight  members  by 
the  addition  of  three  Filipinos,  exercised  all  legislative  authority  in 
the  Phihppine  Islands,  whilst  the  executive  functions  of  the  so-called 
civil  government  thus  set  up  by  the  President,  acting  in  the  capacity 
of  Commander  in  Chief  of  the  ^Wmy  and  Navy,  were  divided  between 
a mihtary  commander  and  a civil  governor. 


II^DEPENDE2JT  ' GOVERNMENT  FOR  THE  PHILIPPINES. 


3 


Thus  it  appears  that  durmg  the  period  which  elapsed  between  the 
time  of  Spanish  evacuation  and  the  enactment  by  Congress  of  the  act 
of  July  1,  1902,  a period  of  something  more  than  tliree  years,  there 
existed  in  the  Philippine  Islands  no  less  than  three  distinct  forms  of 
government  differing  materially  the  one  from  the  other.  The  act  of 
Julj’  1,  1902,  although  in  express  terms  declared  to  be  merely  a tem- 
porary measure  of  civil  administration,  has,  with  slight  and  unim- 
portant amendments,  remained  the  organic  law  of  the  Philippines  for 
practically  a decade.  The  bill  which  your  committee  has  had  under 
consideration  not  onl}'  provides  in  the  near  future,  and  for  a definite 
probationary  period  of  eight  years,  for  a larger  participation  of  the 
Philippine  people  in  the  affairs  of  their  government  than  they  now 
enjoy;  but  it  will,  if  enacted  into  law,  confer  upon  them  at  the  end  of 
that  period  the  absolute  control  of  their  affairs,  both  domestic  and 
foreign,  together  with  their  complete  and  unqualified  independence. 

THE  FILIPINOS  DESIRE  INDEPENDENCE. 

When  the  existing  law  was  being  considered  by  the  Committee  on 
Insular  Affairs  10  years  ago  some  of  its  advocates  testified  that  a 
majority  of  the  educated  and  substantial  people  of  the  Philippine 
Islands,  whose  opinions  the  Federal  Party  was  said  to  represent, 
favored  the  permanent  annexation  of  the  islands  to  the  Uniteil  States. 
A prominent  Filipino  who  at  one  tune  occupied  the  position  of  secre- 
tary of  state  under  the  Malolos  government,  of  which  Gen.  Emilio 
Aguinaldo  was  the  president,  but  who  subsequently,  and  at  that  very 
time,  was  an  officeholder  under  the  Taft  Commission,  claiming  to  be 
the  authorized  spokesman  of  the  Federal  Party,  testified  at  the  com- 
mittee hearings  that  a majority  of  all  the  Filipino  people  favored 
American  annexation  rather  than  independent  self-go veiTiment. 

WTiatever  influence  this  testimony  may  have  had  in  shaping  the 
PhUippme  legislation  of  10  years  ago,  it  should  certainly  have  none 
in  this  day  and  generation,  for  the  Federal  Party  itself,  the  only 
political  organization  in  the  Philippine  Islands  ever  favoring  perma- 
nent annexation,  has  long  since  ceased  to  exist,  and  its  successor,  the 
rrogresista  Party,  is  quite  as  outspoken  in  its  advocacy  of  independ- 
ence as  is  the  Nacionalista,  which h.as  always  stood  for  an  independent 
self-government.  There  is,  therefore,  to-day  practically,  if  not  abso- 
lutely, no  division  of  sentiment  among  the  civilized,  Chiistian  inhabi- 
tants of  the  Philippine  Archipelago  in  respect  to  this  question,  what- 
ever may  have  been  the  case  a decade  ago.  The  highest  aspiration, 
the  one  great,  overmastering  desire  of  the  Philippine  people  is  to  see 
their  country  free  and  independent.  The  blood  shed  and  the  untold 
privations  for  years  endured  for  freedom’s  sake  by  this,  the  only 
Chiistian  people  in  the  vast  Orient,  abundantlv  testified  in  the  past 
to  their  longing  for  independence.  The  unparalleled  and  phenomenal 
spread  of  education  tln-oughout  the  archipelago  in  recent  years,  a 
larger  participation  in  public  affairs,  a wider  and  more  intimate  knowl- 
edge of  the  problems  of  government,  and  the  valuable  experience 
gained  through  actual  practice  in  a popular  legislative  assembly  have 
not  only  contributed  immensely  toward  preparing  the  Filipinos  for 
the  exercise  of  self-government,  but  have  at  me  same  time  quickened 
and  intensified  their  desire  to  become  a free  and  independent  people. 


4 


INDEPENDENT  GOVEENMENT  FOE  THE  PHILIPPINES. 


NO  AMEEICAN  SENTIMENT  FAVOEABLE  TO  PEEMANENT  EETENTION. 

It  is  doubtful  if  there  is  to-day  any  considerable  or  even  appreciable 
public  sentiment  in  the  United  States  favorable  to  the  permanent 
retention  of  the  Philippines.  When  these  islands  were  first  acquired, 
and  for  a few  years  thereafter,  there  was  a more  or  less  prevalent 
belief  that  their  permanent  retention  would  prove  of  great  com- 
mercial advantage  to  the  United  States.  It  is  true  that  during  the 
past  two  years,  those  in  which  Philippine  products  have  had  free 
access  to  the  markets  of  the  United  States,  the  value  of  the  trade 
between  the  two  countries  was  materially  increased,  and  yet  if  ever}?^ 
dollar  in  value  of  the  merchandise  imported  into  the  Philippine 
Islands  from  the  United  States  during  the  fiscal  year  1911  had  been 
clear  profit  to  the  American  manufacturer,  the  sum  total  would  not 
have  equaled  the  cost  to  the  people  of  the  United  States  of  the  main- 
tenance for  a single  year  of  our  military  establishment  in  the  Philip- 
pines. 

The  total  value  of  the  importations,  exclusive  of  those  for  the  use 
of  the  Army,  Navy,  and  the  Government  of  the  Philippine  Islands, 
and  for  government-aided  railroads,  all  of  which  were  tree  of  duty, 
was  $15,052,808,  while  the  value  of  the  Philippine  products  ejmorted 
to  the  United  States  during  the  fiscal  year  was  $16,813,864.  Thus  it 
is  apparent  that  the  combined  values  of  the  exports  and  imports 
for  the  year  1911  do  not  equal  in  amount  the  total  annual  cost  of 
the  Philippine  Islands  to  the  American  people.  So  the  commercial 
argument  which  at  one  time  was  vigorously  advanced  in  favor  of 
the  permanent  retention  of  the  Philippine  Islands  has  now  been 
practically  abandoned. 

CAPACITY  FOE  SELF-GOVEENMENT. 

Those  who  oppose  fixing  a definite  time  at  which  the  Philippine 
Islands  shall  acquire  their  independence,  although  professing  to  favor 
their  ultimate  independence,  base  their  opposition  upon  the  assump- 
tion that  the  Filipinos  are  not  as  yet  capable  of  governing  themselves. 
They  do  not  hazard  even  a guess  as  to  when  that  time  may  be  expected 
to  arrive;  in  the  judgment  of  most  of  them  it  may  be  a generation, 
possibly  two  or  three  generations.  The  menace  to  the  peace  and 
happiness  of  the  American  people  which  lies  in  the  indefinite  reten- 
tion of  the  Philippine  Islands  is  not  to  be  compared,  in  their  judg- 
ment, to  the  harm  which  they  fear  may  result  to  the  Filipinos  if  they 
are  prematurely  given  the  independence  which  they  crave,  and  to 
which,  it  is  admitted,  they  will  some  day  be  entitled.  The  grievous 
financial  burdens  which  their  long-continued  retention  as  a colonial 
dependency  will  entail  upon  the  American  taxpa^'ers  is  as  notliing, 
they  contend,  compared  to  the  moral  obligations  wluch  the  Unitecl 
States  have  assumed.  Thus  the  “moral”  or  “altruistic”  argument, 
based  upon  the  alleged  incapacity  of  the  Filipinos  for  self-govern- 
ment, is  the  only  argument  now  heard  in  favor  of  the  indefinite 
retention  of  the  Philippines. 

But,  is  it  true,  according  to  any  just  and  fair  standard,  that  the 
Philippine  people  are  not  capable  of  self-government?  For,  if  not 
true,  then  the  only  argument  seriously  advanced  by  those  who  would 
deny  them  independence  must  fall  to  the  ground.  The  facts,  or 


INDEPENDENT  GOVERNMENT  FOR  THE  PHILIPPINES. 


5 


alleged  facts,  relied  upon  to  establish  their  incapacity  for  self-gov- 
ernment are  (a)  that  the  Pliilippine  population  is  made  up  of  many 
different  tribes,  inhabiting  different  islands,  or  different  parts  of  the 
same  islands,  and  speaking  different  dialects  or  languages;  (b)  that 
because  of  tliis  isolation  and  difference  of  language  they  possess  no 
common  means  of  intercommunication;  (c)  that  a number  of  these 
tribes  are  uncivilized  and  unchristianized  and  will  always  remain  so, 
and  that  the  Moros,  the  most  savage  and  adventurous,  as  well  as  the 
most  numerous,  of  the  wild  tribes,  can  never  be  brought  to  live 
peaceably  under  any  government  which  may  be  established  by 
Christian  Filipinos;  and,  lastly  (d),  that  the  percentage  of  illiteracy, 
even  among  the  Christian  inhabitants,  is  too  great  to  permit  of  any 
intelligent  administration  of  government.  In  fine,  it  is  contended 
that,  wanting  in  education  and  civilization  and  lacking  a common 
religion  and  a common  language,  it  follows  that  the  Philippine  peo- 
ple liave  not  that  community  of  thought,  of  feeling,  and  of  interest, 
that  national  unity  and  sjurit,  or  that  intelligence  and  educational 
capacity,  essential  to  the  successful  establishment  and  permanent 
maintenance  of  a free,  autonomous,  and  stable  government. 

According  to  the  census  of  1903,  the  population  of  the  Philippine 
Islands  was  7,635,426.  Of  these,  6,987,686  are  classified  as  civilized. 
Only  647,740  are  described  as  wild  or  uncivilized.  Of  the  so-called 
uncivilized  tribes,  277,547  are  Moros,  who  inhabit  the  southeastern 
and  western  portions  of  the  island  of  Mindanao,  which  is  the  southern- 
most and  next  to  the  largest  of  all  the  islands,  and  the  islands  of  the 
Sulu  group;  211,520  are  Igorots  dwelling  in  northern  Luzon;  56,189 
are  Bukidnon,  of  the  Province  of  Agusan,  in  eastern  Mindanao  and 
the  remainder  are  scattered  in  small  groups  throughout  the  islands. 
These  official  figures  indisputably  prove  that  the  vast  majority  of 
the  Philippine  people  are  civilized,  and  many  of  the  most  beautiful 
cathedrals  to  be  found  anywhere  in  the  world,  as  well  as  other  sub- 
stantial and  costly  church  edifices  scattered  throughout  the  civilized 
portions  of  the  islands,  attest  most  strongly  to  the  deep  religious 
character  of  the  Filipinos. 

But  even  were  it  admitted  that  the  Moros  are  intractable  and 
incapable  of  civilization,  the  census  figures  show  that  they  constitute 
less  than  4 per  cent — or,  to  be  exact,  just  3.7  per  cent — of  the  whole 
population  of  the  islands.  Indeed,  these  figures  show  that  they  are 
actually  outnumbered  by  the  civilized  Filipinos  of  Mindanao,  not- 
withstanding that  226,158  of  the  277,547  Moros  (2,323  of  whom  are 
themselves  civilized)  dwell  in  that  island.  It  is  a fact  not  generally 
appreciated,  if  known,  that  296,845  Christian  Filipinos  also  inhabit 
the  island  of  Mindanao.  In  Zamboanga,  in  the  Moro  Province,  one 
of  the  most  delightful  of  the  cities  of  the  Philippine  Archipelago  and 
the  fourth  in  commercial  importance,  there  were  44,322  inhabitants 
in  the  year  1903,  almost  equally  divided  between  Christians  and  non- 
Christians.  These  facts  conclusively  prove  that  the  Moros  may  well 
be  regarded  as  a negligible  quantity  in  considering  the  question  of  the 
capacity  of  the  Philip])ine  people  for  self-government.  But  the  work 
of  education  and  civilization  is  progressing  even  among  the  Moros, 
with  far  better  results  than  any  of  the  historians  and  writers  upon 
this  subject  of  a decade  ago  believed  to  be  possible. 

The  remainder  of  the  wfild  tribes  are  so  widely  distributed  through- 
out the  archipelago,  and  have  hi  the  past  given  so  little  trouble  to 


6 


INDEPENDENT  GOVERNMENT  FOR  THE  PHILIPPINES. 


their  civilized  neighbors,  that  their  goAXTiiment  has  never  been  looked 
upon  as  a serious  problem — they  nfust  continue  in  a large  degree  the 
wards  of  the  nation  Avhatcver  may  be  the  form  of  government  under 
which  they  live.  Is  it  then  unreasonable,  in  view  of  the  foregoing 
facts;  to  indulge  the  hojie  that  these  wild  people,  all  of  whom  are  of 
Malayan  origin,  Avould  more  readily  submit  to  the  restraints  of  a 
government  participated  in  by  them,  and  established  for  their  pro- 
tection by  members  of  their  own  race,  than  to  those  imjiosed  by  an 
alien  people?  Do  the  facts  liereinbefore  set  forth  justify  the  belief 
that  tlie  government  of  the  wild  men  of  the  Philippine  Islands  vdll 
ever  become  to  the  Filipinos,  if  given  their  independ  ‘iice,  so  di.iicult 
a problem  as  has  been  that  of  the  American  Indians  to  the  Govern- 
ment of  the  United  States  ? 

It  is  true,  of  course,  that  the  Philijijiine  Archipelago  is  composed 
of  many  islands,  and  that  tliero  is  no  native  language  which  is  uni- 
versally spoken.  A large  majority  of  the  wliole  people,  however, 
speak  either  Tagalog,  Visayan,  or  llocano,  which  are  the  three  prin- 
cipal languages  of  the  islands.  Nearly  half  of  the  Christian  pojnda- 
tion  or  3,219,030,  are  Visayans,  and  there  are  1,400,695  Tagalogs  in 
the  island  of  Luzon,  to  say  nothing  of  the  members  of  other  tribes  who 
to  the  number  of  2,000,000  speak  Tagalog.  For  300  years  the  ollicial 
language  of  the  Philippines  has  been  Spanish,  and  whilst  the  percent- 
age of  the  rural  population  speaking  it  was  never  very  large,  it  was, 
nevertheless,  spoken  throughout  the  arcliijielago  by  the  educated  and 
odice-holding  classes  and  is  ipiite  unn^crsally  spoken  in  Manila  and 
other  cities  and  large  towns. 

There  has  been  a noticeable  disposition  in  some  quarters  to  create 
the  impression  that  the  Filipinos  are  an  ignorant  and  illiterate  people, 
d'his  was  very  far  from  the  truth,  even  ])rior  to  American  advent. 
To  demonstrate  this  it  is  only  necessary  to  adA^ert  to  a feAV  salient 
facts  bearing  upon  the  subject  of  education  during  the  long  years  of 
Spanish  control.  The  UniA'orsity  of  St.  Joseph  Avas  founded  by  the 
Jesuits  in  ]\Ianila  very  nearly  325  years  ago,  and  1 7 years  before  the 
doors  of  the  first  American  college  Avere  ojiened  the  Dominican  Order 
of  the  Catholic  Church  in  the  Philipjiine  Islands  established,  also  in 
Manila,  the  University  of  St.  Thomas,  Avhich  for  more  than  three 
centuries  has  been  in  successfid  operation.  And  yet  the  Tagalogs  had 
attained  a Avell-defined  civilization  long  before  the  adA'ent  of  either 
the  Dutch  or  the  Spanish.  Prior  to  the  year  1863  there  Avere  parochial 
schools  throughout  the  islands,  but  it  was  not  until  that  year  that 
primary  schools  Avere  established,  under  the  ro_yal  decree  of  December 
20,  in  ewery  municipality  of  the  archi])elago.  In  addition  to  the  many 
private  and  church  schools  Avhich  had  long  been  in  existence  ])rior  to 
1866  Sjianish  school  statistics  for  that  year  shoAv  that  there  had  then 
been  established  1,674  GoA-ernment-sup])orted  schools,  attended  by 
230,358  Filipino  boys  and  girls.  There  Avere  that  year  1,681  matricu- 
lates at  the  University  of  St.  Th  )inas  engaged  in  the  study  of  the 
higher  branches  of  learning.  There  Avere  also  located  in  IManila  prior 
to  the  revolution  against  Spain  five  colleges  deA^oted  to  the  education 
of  Avomen,  among  them  the  College  of  Santa  Isabel;  a college  of  agri- 
cidture;  a nautical  school;  a su])crior  school  of  jAuinting,  sculpture,  and 
engraA'ing;  a military  acadeiny;  and  a number  of  other  colleges  ol 
more  or  less  importance,  Avhere  the  higher  branches  Avere  taught. 
There  Avere,  too,  as  many  as  9 other  colleges  and  67  high-grade  Latin 


INDEPENDENT  GOVERNMENT  FOR  THE  PHILIPPINES. 


7 


schools  located  in  various  sections  of  the  islands.  A j)eople  enjoying 
such  superior  educational  advantages  as  these  can  scarcely  be  char- 
acterized as  ignorant  and  illiterate.  Especially  can  it  not  be  said  of 
the  Tagalogs,  who  for  ages  have  possessed  a rich  hterature  of  their 
own.  Even  in  the  outlying  Christian  settlements  of  northern  Luzon 
a majority  of  the  population  could  read  and  write  their  own  lan- 
guage long  before  the  power  of  Spain  over  the  islands  was  broken. 

It  will  scarcely  be  denied  that  since  American  occupation  immense 
progress  has  been  made  in  the  direction  of  education.  Not  only  have 
thousands  of  public  schools  been  established  aU  over  the  archipelago, 
but  the  standards  of  most  of  the  old  ones  have  been  raised.  In  aU 
of  the  new,  and  in  many  of  the  old,  English  is  employed  and  taught, 
and  the  natives  are  evincing  a praiseworthy  desire  to  become  ]iro- 
ficient  in  it.  Many  night  schools  have  been  established  for  the  benefit 
of  the  laboring  classes,  and  they,  as  well  as  the  higher  schools,  are  aU 
well  attended.  For  nearly  10  years  the  average  public-school  enroll- 
ment has  not  been  less  than  500,000.  The  report  of  the  secretary  of 
education  for  the  year  ending  June  30,  1911,  shows  that  the  enroll- 
ment for  that  school  year  reached  the  high-water  mark  of  610,493, 
not  including  5,302  pupils  enrolled  in  the  schools  of  the  Moro  Province. 
The  total  number  of  public  schools  in  operation  last  year,  according 
to  this  report,  was  4,404,  and  the  total  number  of  teachers  employed 
at  the  end  of  the  school  year  was  9,086,  of  whom  8,403,  or  over  92 
per  cent,  were  Filipinos.  It  is  shown,  too,  that  there  was  a general 
improvement  on  the  part  of  the  Filipino  teachers  during  the  year, 
both  in  scholastic  attainments  and  in  abihty  to  teach.  A splendidly 
equipped  normal  school  was  established  in  1901  and  reorganized  in 
1909. 

This  institution  is  annually  training  hundreds  of  young  men  and 
women  to  teach  under  the  conditions  which  exist  in  all  Provinces  of 
the  islands,  civilized  or  uncivilized.  The  first  Philippine  Legislature 
provided  for  the  establishment  of  the  University  of  the  Thilippines, 
which  was  organized  something  over  two  years  ago.  It  provides 
advanced  instruction  in  literature,  philosophv,  and  the  sciences  and 
arts,  and  affords  professional  and  technical  training  for  students 
who  have  passed  through  other  colleges.  The  total  registration  of 
students  at  this  institution  of  higher  learning  in  August  of  last  year 
was  1,220.  All  the  lectures,  of  course,  are  in  English  and  many  of 
the  learned  professors  are  Filipinos.  The  late  James  A.  Le  Roy,  who, 
for  two  years  was  connected  with  the  Pliilippine  Commission,  and 
who,  therefore,  possessed  exceptional  opportunities  for  .securing 
information  upon  the  subject,  says  in  his  admirable  book  on  the 
Philippines,  published  in  1905,  that  “approximately  one-half  the 
Christian  pojiulation  over  10  years  of  age  is  literate,”  and  that  this 
included  “the  people  of  the  most  backward  and  outlying  Cliristian 
settlements  in  the  mountains  of  north  central  Luzon,  in  unsettled 
islands  like  Mindoro  and  Palawan,  and  on  the  outskirts  of  Mindanao.” 
In  the  Tagalog  Provinces,  where  the  percentage  of  literacy  is  liighest, 
it  is  stated  by  this  author  that  the  number  able  to  read  “is  something 
over  70  per  cent  of  the  population  above  10  years  of  age.”  This 
was  seven  years  ago,  and  before  the  American  system  of  education 
was  fairly  underway;  before  there  were  thousands  of  trained  Filipino 
teachers  conducting  the  schools  in  the  English  language.  So  much 
for  the  literacy  of  the  Filipinos. 


8 INDEPENDENT  GOVERNMENT  FOR  THE  PHILIPPINES. 

The  Hon.  Newton  W.  Gilbert,  secretary  of  public  instruction  in 
the  Philippine  Islands,  at  one  time  a Member  of  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives and  of  this  committee,  makes  the  striking  statement  in 
his  annual  report  for  the  year  1910  that  “more  persons  in  the  Philip- 
pine Islands  speak  and  write  the  English  language  than  speak  and 
write  any  other  language  or  dialect.  If  this  were  true  in  1910,  how 
much  larger  will  be  the  proportion  of  those  who  speak  and  write 
English  in  1921  ? But  there  is  more  recent  and  much  stronger  testi- 
mony than  this  in  refutation  of  the  oft-repeated  assertion  that  the 
FUipinos  possess  no  common  language  and  therefore  are  lacking  in 
the  means  of  communication  among  themselves.  In  a carefully  pre- 
pared article  in  the  American  Year  Book  for  1911  it  is  stated  that 
more  Filipinos  speak  the  English  language  than  speak  any  other  one 
language  or  dialect.  This  is  to  say,  that  more  tnan  one-half  of  the 
Christian  inhabitants,  who  constitute  more  than  nine-tenths  of  the 
total  population  of  the  Philippine  Islands,  have  acquu-ed  the  ability 
to  speak  the  English  language  in  the  short  space  of  10  years.  If  this 
great  progress  has  been  made  by  the  Filipinos  within  the  last  decade 
in  the  acquisition  of  the  English  language,  what  may  not  be  expected 
of  this  wonderful  people  within  the  next  10  years  ? English-taught 
schools  are  rapidly  multiplying  all  over  the  islands,  and  progression 
along  all  lines  of  education  will  be  much  more  rapid  in  the  coming 
than  it  was  in  the  last  decade.  In  view  of  the  past  advancement  of 
the  Philippine  people  in  this  direction,  is  it  unreasonable  to  believe 
that  when  the  4th  day  of  July,  1921,  arrives  English  will  be  the 
common  language  of  the  Philippine  Islands,  and  that  it  will  afford 
the  Philippine  people  that  medium  of  communication  deemed  so 
essential  to  their  fitness  for  independent  existence  and  self-govern- 
ment ? 

Among  other  arguments  advanced  against  granting  the  Filipinos 
independence  is  their  alleged  lack  of  homogeneity.  The  truth  is  they 
are  more  homogeneous  than  the  people  of  the  United  States.  The 
Director  of  the  Philippine  Census,  Gen.  J.  P.  Sanger,  United  States 
Army,  says  in  his  chapter  on  Population : 

As  compaxed  with  the  schedules  of  the  Twelfth  Census  of  the  United  States,  those  of 
the  Philippine  Census  are  somewhat  simpler,  the  difference  being  due  mainly  to  the 
more  homogeneous  character  of  the  population  of  the  Philippine  Islands. 

FILIPINO  EXPERIENCE  IN  GOVERNMENT. 

The  Filipinos  are  not  so  lacking  in  administrative  ability  and  in 
actual  experience  in  government  as  has  been  frequently  represented. 
There  were  Philippine  deputies  in  the  Spanish  Cortes  during  portions 
of  the  first  half  of  the  nineteenth  century,  and  in  the  year  1820  seven- 
teen Filipinos  sat  in  the  Spanish  Parliament.  The  Philippine  con- 
stitution, written  by  Apolinario  Mabini,  and  proclaimed  by  the 
Malolos  Government  in  1899,  is  justly  regarded  as  a notable  intel- 
lectual achievement.  Among  those  who  represented  the  Philippine 
Republic,  established  by  Gen.  Aguinaldo  m 1908,  in  the  Malolos 
Congress  were  many  Filipinos  of  learning,  great  ability,  and  unques- 
tioned patriotism.  A number  of  these  have  held,  and  others  are  still 
holding,  positions  of  trust  and  responsibility  under  the  present  Govern- 
ment. Two  of  its  members  have  since  been  commissioned  to  repre- 


INDEPENDENT  GOVERNMENT  FOR  THE  PHILIPPINES. 


9 


sent  the  Philippine  Islands  in  the  capacity  of  Resident  Commissioners 
to  the  United  States,  and  one  of  them  is  to-day  occupying  a seat  on 
the  floor  of  the  House  of  Representatives. 

Dr.  Schmman,  the  distinguished  president  of  Cornell  University, 
who  was  a member  of  the  first  Philippine  Commission,  and  therefore 
qualified  to  speak  upon  the  subject,  wrote  of  the  Filipinos  10  years  ago : 

But  whatever  be  done  with  them  (the  Mohammedans)  the  civilized  and  Christianized 
democracy  of  Luzon  and  the  Visayans  desire  independence.  They  are  fairly  entitled 
to  it,  and  united  as  they  now  are,  I think  they  might  very  soon  be  intrusted  with  it. 
In  their  educated  men,  as  thorough  gentlemen  as  one  meets  in  Europe  or  America, 
this  democracy  of  6,500,000  Christians  has  its  foreordained  leaders. 

That  there  are  many  highly  educated  and  thoroughly  cultured 
Filipinos  has  not  been,  and  will  not  be,  seriously  questioned.  There 
are  many  who,  having  received  their  educations  at  the  best  schools 
and  universities  of  Europe,  have  returned  to  the  Phflippines,  and 
are  prominent  in  the  professional  and  educational  life  of  the  islands. 
Some  of  these  have  achieved  much  distinction.  Of  the  seven  mem- 
bers of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  Phihppine  Islands,  three  are  Fill; 
pinos,  the  Hon.  Cayeteno  Arellano  being  the  chief  justice.  The 
attorney  general  is  the  Hon.  Ignacio  Villamor,  a Filipino.  Of  the 
Philippine  Commission,  five  of  its  members  are  Americans  and  four 
Filipinos.  There  are  four  executive  departments  of  the  insular  Gov- 
ernment, one  of  which,  finance  and  justice,  is  presided  over  by  Sec- 
retary Gregario  Arenata.  The  director  of  labor,  the  Hon.  Manuel 
Tino,  is  a Filipino.  The  codification  committee  is  composed  of  three 
Americans  and  three  Filipino  lawyers,  the  chairman  of  which  is  the 
Hon.  Manuel  Araullo. 

Of  the  29  judges  of  the  courts  of  first  instance  14  are  Filipinos, 
and  practically  all  of  the  judges  of  the  lower  courts  are  Filipmos. 
The  provincial  boards  of  the  Provinces  are  composed  of  a governor, 
a treasurer  and  a “third  member.”  The  governors  and  “third  mem- 
bers” of  the  organized  Provinces,  with  the  single  exception  of  Batanes, 
where  the  governor  is  appointive,  are  all  elected  by  the  people,  and 
are,  in  every  instance,  IMipmos.  Eleven  of  the  treasurers  are  Fili- 
pinos. The  fiscals,  or  prosecuting  attorneys,  although  appointive, 
are  in  the  main,  if  not  invariably,  Filipinos.  On  June  30,  1911,  over 
70  per  cent  of  all  the  provincial  officials  in  the  Philippine  Islands  were 
Ffiipinos,  and  out  of  the  more  than  12,500  municipal  and  township 
officers,  to  quote  from  the  last  annual  report  of  the  executive  secre- 
tary, “there  are  really  but  three  American  municipal  officers  in  the 
seK-governing  municipalities  and  two  of  these  were  elected  by  popular 
vote.” 

No  reference  to  Filipinos  whose  public  services  entitle  them  to  a 
place  in  the  history  of  their  country,  past  or  present,  would  be  com- 
plete which  omitted  the  name  of  the  patriot,  Rizal,  whose  glorious 
martyi’dom  stirred  the  hearts  of  Christendom  and  precipitated  a 
revolution  against  Spain.  Dr.  Jose  Rizal,  by  reason  of  his  brilliant 
attainments  and  his  sublime  devotion  to  the  cause  of  his  suffering 
countrymen,  was  easily  the  foremost  product  of  the  Philippine  people. 
The  anniversary  of  the  execution  of  this  young  martyr,  December 
30,  1896,  has  been  made  a national  holiday,  and  throughout  the 
Phfiippines  his  memory  is  universally  revered. 


10 


INDEPENDENT  GOVERNMENT  FOE  THE  PHILIPPINES. 


THE  RETENTION  OF  THE  PHILIPPINES  REPUGNANT  TO  REPUBLICAN 
IDEALS  AND  DISASTROUS  TO  AMERICAN  INTERESTS. 

In  considering  the  question  of  Philippine  independence,  as 
proposed  in  this  bhl,  and  in  reaching  the  conclusions  to  which 
we  have  come,  your  committee  have  not  by  any  means  regarded 
it  solely  from  the  standpoint  of  the  people  of  the  Philippine  Is- 
lands. On  the  contrary,  our  views  are  largely,  if  not  mainly, 
controlled  by  what  are  believed  to  be  the  true  mterests  of  the  people 
of  the  United  States.  The  free  principles  upon  which  the  American 
Government  is  founded  are  wholly  incompatible  with  the  idea  of 
holding  and  governing  against  their  consent  any  people  who  aspire 
to  independence  and  are  capaple  of  governmg  themselves.  More- 
over, the  ])olicy  of  the  United  States  has  always  been  against  expan- 
sion beyond  the  seas.  Such  expansion  as  has  marked  the  marvelous 
growth  and  progress  of  the  United  States  has  until  very  recently 
been  over  land  and  confined  to  tliis  continent.  It  has  embraced 
contiguous  territory  inhabited  by  a homogeneous  people,  and  never 
land  in  another  hemisphere,  separated  from  us  by  thousands  of 
miles  of  water  and  inhabited  by  an  alien  people  differing  from  us  in 
manners,  customs,  civilization,  and  race.  The  mcidents  which  led 
up  to  the  War  vTth  Spain  had  not  the  remotest  connection  ivith  the 
Philippines.  It  was  not  a war  of  conquest.  It  was  a war  waged 
to  free  from  intolerable  oppression  a people  almost  witliin  sight  of 
our  shores  and  not  one  to  bring  under  the  dominion  of  the  United 
States  a people  struggling  for  their  liberties  and  residing  upon  the 
opposite  side  of  the  globe.  The  Spanish-American  War  was  fought 
to  free  C'uba  and  not  to  enslave  the  Philippines'  to  erect  a republic 
in  the  Occident,  not  to  establish  a subject  colony  in  the  Orient. 
From  the  very  beginning  the  Filipinos  never  welcomed  American 
sovereignty.  Phey  accepted  it  only  when  unable  longer  to  resist 
the  superior  strength  of  the  United  States.  The  late  President 
McKinley  declared  in  a speech  delivered  in  the  city  of  Chicago  that 
“the  War  with  Spain  was  undertaken,  not  that  the  United  States 
should  increase  its  territory,  but  that  oppression  at  our  very  doors 
should  be  stopped.”  He  added,  “This  noble  sentiment  must  con- 
tinue to  animate  us  and  we  must  give  to  the  world  the  full  demon- 
stration of  the  sincerity  of  our  purpose.”  To  carry  “tliis-noble 
sentiment”  into  effect  is  the  object  of  tins  bill,  and,  in  the  opuiion 
of  this  committee,  it  is  so  framed  as  to  accomplish  the  ])urpose  with 
honor  to  the  American  people  and  with  just  and  proper  regard  for 
tbe  future  welfare  and  the  best  interests  of  the  Filipinos. 

Secondary  only  in  importance  to  the  high  moral  questions  of 
princmle  and  riglit  involved  in  the  indefinite  retention  of  the  Philip- 
pine islands  is  that  of  their  constant  menace  to  the  peace  and  well- 
being of  the  American  people.  Instead  of  constituting  a source  of 
strength  to  the  United  States  in  the  event  of  war  with  a first-class 
naval  power,  they  would,  by  reason  of  their  geographical  position, 
become  one  of  great  weakness.  Had  not  the  Sj)anish  army  and 
navy  been  so  fully  occupied  with  the  war  in  Cuba  the  story  of  Dewey’s 
engagement  in  5lanila  Bay  might  have  been  one  of  far  different 
import.  To  fortify  and  defend  aU  the  principal  ports  of  the  Phil- 
ippine Islands  would  require  more  money,  shi])s,  armies,  munitions 
of  war,  and  supplies  than  even  a country  possessing  the  enormous 


IITBEPENDENT  GOVEENMENT  FOR  THE  PHILIPPINES. 


11 


resources  of  the  United  States  could  command,  and  if,  therefore,  the 
purpose  in  holding  the  Pliilippines  is  merely  to  maintain  in  the 
Orient  a base  for  military  and  naval  operations,  then  that  purpose 
can  much  more  readily,  and  more  effectively,  be  accomphshed  by 
retaining  only  the  naval  bases,  harborage  waters,  and  coaling  sta- 
tions provided  for  in  the  measure  under  consideration. 

As  to  whether  or  not  the  United  States  could  successfully  defend 
the  Philippine  Islands  against  a first-class  naval  power,  that  is  a 
question  about  wliich  there  may  be  honest  differences  of  opuiion. 
That  their  defense,  whether  ultimately  successful  or  not,  would 
involve  the  sacrilice  of  tens  of  thousands  of  American  hves  and  the 
expenditure  of  vast  sums  of  money  does  not  admit  of  two  opinions. 
That  it  would  mean  the  destruction  of  American  commerce  on  the 
high  seas  and  the  prostration  of  all  legitimate  American  enterprise 
and  business  during 'the  continuance  of  the  war  will-hardly  be  denied. 
It  has  recently  developed,  however,  that  it  is  the  oiiinion  of  our 
mUitary  experts  that  it  would  not  be  expedient,  in  the  event  of 
war  with  any  strong  naval  power,  for  the  United  States  to  attempt 
to  defend  the  Plhlippines. 

The  policy  of  the  United  States  in  such  an  event  will  be,  we  are  told, 
to  abandon  the  islands,  and,  for  the  tune  being  at  least,  to  leave  them 
to  their  fate.  If  this  is  to  be  accepted  as  the  policy  and  purpose  of 
the  United  States,  then  it  is  difficult  to  understand  of  what  advantage 
the  fortification  of  the  islands,  or  any  one  of  them,  can  possibly  be  to 
this  country  in  case  of  a foreign  war.  On  the  contrary,  it  would  seem 
to  be  the  part  of  wisdom  to  discontinue  at  once  the  expenditure  of  the 
vast  sums  wliich  Congress  is  annually  asked  to  appropriate  for  the 
fortification  of  the  islands,  and  the  maintenance  there  of  a large 
body  of  troops.  Whether  in  the  event  of  war  our  troops  are  volun- 
tarih*  withdravTi  as  a wise  strategic  or  precautionary  measure,  or  they 
are  driven  out  or  captured  by  a superior  hostile  force,  the  result  will 
be  the  same.  The  fortifications  which  have  been  constructed,  and 
those  now  in  course  of  construction,  will  fall  into  the  hands  of  the 
enemy,  and  will  render  more  difficult  the  ulthnate  recovery  of  the 
islands  should  any  attempt  be  made  in  that  direction.  If,  therefore, 
the  opinion  expressed  by  the  Chief  of  the  Bureau  of  Insular  Affairs  is 
shared  by  other  military  authorities,  and  there  is  little  room  for  doubt 
as  to  this,  then  a decent  regard  for  national  pride,  if  no  higher  con- 
sideration, would  seem  to  dictate  that  the  sooner  we  withdraw  from 
the  Philippine  Islands,  and  relinquish  sovereignty  over  them,  the 
better  it  will  be  for  the  people  of  the  United  States. 

THE  COST  OF  MAINTAINING  AMERICAN  SOVEREIGNTY  IN  THE 

PHILIPPINES. 

Estimates  vary  widely  as  to  the  cost  to  the  United  States  of  main- 
taining American  sovereignty  over  the  Pliilippine  Islands.  It  will 
never  be  possible  to  compute  with  any  degree  of  accuracy  what  the 
total  cost  has  been  from  the  date  of  American  advent  up  to  the 
present  time.  The  late  Senator  Hoar  declared  more  than  10  years  ago 
that  the  United  States  had  expended  up  to  that  time  the  enormous 
sum  of  8600,000,000,  and  his  figures  have  never  been  successfully 
challenged.  Within  the  past  10  years  the  United  States  have 
expended  many  millions  in  the  islands  for  strictly  military  purposes. 


12 


INDEPENDENT  GOVERNMENT  FOR  THE  PHILIPPINES. 


More  than  $10,000,000  have  heen  expended  witliin  that  period  in  the 
construction  and  equipment  of  fortifications  alone. 

The  mean  number  of  troops  maintained  by  the  United  States  in 
the  Philippines  during  the  fiscal  year  1911  was  17,370,  of  whom 
12,277  were  Americans  and  5,093  natives.  It  is  estimated  that  it 
costs  the  Government  $1,500  annually  to  maintain  each  soldier  in 
the  foreign  service.  Computed  upon  this  basis  the  cost  alone  of 
maintaining  the  military  forces  in  the  Philippine  Islands  last  year 
was  over  $26,000,000.  It  would  be  difficult  to  even  estimate  what 
part  of  the  naval  expenses  of  the  United  States  should  properly  be 
chargeable  to  tliis  account.  It  is  probably  safe  to  affirm  that  the 
sum  which  would  be  annually  saved,  under  the  conditions  of  peace 
and  tranquilhty  which  now  prevail,  were  the  United  States  to  relin- 
quish sovereignty  over  the  Pliilippine  Islands,  would  not  fall  much 
short,  if  any,  of  $50,000,000. 

The  foregoing  constitutes  in  a measure  the  grounds  upon  which  your 
committee  base  their  conclusion  that  the  inhabitants  of  the  Philip- 
pine Islands  can  be  safely  intrusted  with  their  independence,  and  that 
the  withdrawal  of  American  sovereignty  over  those  islands  would  be 
mutually  advantageous  to  the  Fihpinos  and  the  people  of  the  United 
States. 

NEUTRALIZATION. 

Fear  has  been  expressed  that  if  granted  their  independence  the 
Philippines  would  become  the  easy  prey  of  some  land-grabbing  nation, 
since  the  Filipinos  possess  neither  a navy  nor  a standing  army  \vith 
which  to  defend  themselves  against  foreign  aggression.  Tliis  subject 
need  not  be  discussed  in  tliis  report  further  than  to  say  that  a joint 
resolution  has  been  reported  from  this  committee  requesting  the 
President  of  the  United  States  to  open  negotiations  with  such  foreign 
governments  as  in  his  judgment  should  be  parties  to  the  compact, 
including  those  of  Great  Britain,  Germany,  France,  Russia,  Japan,  and 
Spain,  with  a view  to  securing  and  safeguarding  the  independence  of 
the  Plulippines  through  an  international  agreement.  It  is  not  be- 
lieved that  efforts  to  secure  such  an  international  agreement  would  be 
attended  with  any  great  difficulty,  since  little,  if  any,  responsibility 
would  attach  to  the  signatory  powers.  The  independence  provided 
for  in  this  bill,  however,  is  in  no  respect  contingent  upon  the  success- 
ful negotiation  of  any  treaty  of  neutrality.  If,  for  anv  reason,  failure 
should  attend  these  neutralization  efforts,  the  Pliilippine  Islands 
would  be  in  no  worse  position  in  this  respect  than  many  other  coun- 
tries similarly  situated  whose  independence  is  not  guaranteed  by 
international  convention. 

Notable  among  the  small  countries  whose  independence,  although 
preserved  inviolate  for  ages,  has  never  been  guaranteed  by  inter- 
national treaty  or  otherwise,  may  be  instanced  the  independent  mon- 
archy of  Siam.  This  small  Kingdom  of  southeast  Asia  resembles  in 
many  respects  the  Philijipine  Islands.  The  population  of  Siam  is 
only  a little  less  than  that  of  the  Philippines,  anti  it  is  divided  among 
a number  of  tribes  who  inhabit  different  portions  of  the  country.  The 
Siamese  number  3,000,000,  or  less  than  half  of  the  population,  whilst 
the  remainder  is  made  up  of  Laos,  Chinese,  Malays,  Cambodians, 
Bermese,  and  many  others.  There  are,  too,  many  small,  uncivilized 
tribes  which  inhabit  the  mountainous  sections,  several  of  which 


INDEPENDENT  GOVEBNMENT  FOR  THE  PHILIPPINES. 


13 


possess  the  characteristics  of  the  Negritos  of  the  Philippine  Islands. 
There  are  many  different  dialects  spoken  in  Siam,  and  yet  this  non- 
Christian  country,  with  no  standing  army,  has  never  fallen  a victim 
to  any  land-grabbing  nation.  And  although  the  percentage  of  illit- 
eracy is  far  greater  in  Siam — it  being  90  per  cent — than  in  the  Philip- 
pines, it  maintains  a stable  as  well  as  an  independent  government. 

This  brings  us  to  the  consideration  of  the  various  provisions  and 
different  features  of  the  biU. 

WHAT  THE  BILL  PROPOSES. 

The  Philippine  Government  as  it  is  at  present  constituted  consists 
of  a Governor  General,  appointed  by  the  President  of  the  United 
States,  and  a legislature  composed  of  two  houses,  the  Phihppine  Com- 
mission and  the  Philippine  Assembly.  The  Philippine  Commission 
is  composed  of  nine  members,  all  of  whom  are  appointed  by  the  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States,  and  four  of  whom  are  the  heads  of  the  four 
executive  departments  of  the  Government.  The  assembly  is  com- 
posed of  81  members,  all  of  whom  are  chosen  by  the  qualified  electors 
of  the  31  regularly  organized  Provinces,  the  three  special  Provinces, 
and  the  city  of  Manila. 

The  general  purpose  of  this  bill  is  to  establish  in  the  Philippine 
Islands  a provisional  government  more  liberal  and  autonomous  in 
character  than  that  created  under  the  provisions  of  the  act  of  Congress 
of  July  1,  1902,  this  temporary  government  to  begin  on  the  4th  day 
of  July,  1913,  and  to  continue  for  the  period  of  eight  years  thereafter. 
In  other  words,  there  is  to  be  a probationary  period  of  eight  years, 
during  which  the  Filipinos  are  to  be  permitted  to  enjoy  a larger 
measure  of  popular  self-government  than  they  now  have.  It  is 
further  provided  that  on  and  after  the  4th  day  of  July,  1921,  the 
United  States  shall  relinquish  all  rights  of  sovereignty  over  the  Philip- 
pine Islands,  and  grant  to  the  inhabitants  thereof  fuU  and  complete 
independence. 

CONDITIONS  PRECEDENT  TO  INDEPENDENCE. 

The  terms  and  conditions  upon  which  Philippine  independence  is  to 
be  granted  are  (a)  that  the  United  States  shall  retain  and  exercise  the 
rights  of  sovereignty  over  such  lands  and  harborage  waters  as  are 
actually  necessary  for  naval  and  coaling  stations  and  convenient  ter- 
minal points  for  cables,  these  lands  and  harborage  waters  to  be  selected 
by  a commission  composed  of  the  President,  the  Secretary  of  State,  and 
the  Secretary  of  the  Navy  of  the  United  States;  (b)  that  the  Govern- 
ment of  the  Philippines  shall  assume  and  carry  into  effect  the  treaty 
obhgations  of  the  United  States  with  Spain;  (c)  that  the  Government 
of  the  Philippines  shall  guarantee  that  no  higher  tax  shall  be  levied 
upon  the  property  or  business  of  citizens  of  the  United  States  than  is 
levied  upon  that  of  citizens  of  the  Philippines,  and  that  no  law  shall 
be  enacted  or  agreement  entered  into  whereby  the  citizens  of  any  other 
country  are  given  trade  advantages  over  those  of  the  United  States ; 
(d)  and  that  citizens  of  the  United  States  shall  have  freedom  of  access 
to  and  of  travel  in  the  Philippines  for  business  and  missionary  pur- 
poses, and  that  all  property  rights  by  whomsoever  legally  acquired 
’shah  be  held  inviolate. 


14 


INDEPENDENT  GOVEKNMENT  FOB  THE  PHILIPPINES. 


In  making  selection  of  naval  and  coaling  stations  and  cable  ter- 
minals it  is  expressly  stipulated  that  the  bay  and  harbor  of  Manila 
shall  not  be  taken.  The  city  of  Manila  is  not  only  the  capital  but  the 
very  heart  of  the  Philippine  Islands,  and  it  obviously  would  not  be 
just  to  the  Philippine  people  for  the  United  States  to  retain  the  island 
of  Corregidor,  wdiich  commands  the  entrance  to  Manila  Bay.  There 
are  other  deep-water  harbors  equally  as  susceptible  of  fortification 
and  defense,  such  for  instance  as  Subig  Bay,  within  60  miles  of  Manila, 
which  would  meet  all  the  recjuirements  of  the  United  States  for  naval 
bases  and  coaling  stations.  The  United  States  has  already  expended 
considerable  sums  in  the  fortification  of  the  entrance  to  Subig  Bay, 
and  the  immense  floating  dry  dock,  Dewey,  has  been  located  at  Olon- 
gapo  in  this  bay. 


CONGEESS  OF  THE  PHILIPPINES. 

The  most  important  changes  which  this  bill  makes  in  the  present 
government  are  to  be  found  in  section  6,  which  vests  the  legislative 
power  of  the  Philippine  Islands  in  a congress  of  the  Philippines,  and 
in  those  immediately  follovdng  which  define  its  powers  and  prescribe 
the  method  of  the  election  of  its  members.  This  congress  is  to  bo  com- 
posed of  a senate  and  a house  of  representatives,  each  of  which  is 
to  be  elective. 

The  senate  is  to  be  composed  of  38  members  who  are  to  be  elected 
for  a term  of  four  3^ears,  one  from  each  of  the  31  regularl}'  organized 
Provinces  as  they  are  now  constituted,  one  each  from  the  special 
Provinces  of  Mindoro  and  Palawan,  one  each  from  the  non-Christian 
Provinces  of  Moro,  ^fountain,  Agusan,  and  Nueva  Vizcaya,  and  two 
from  the  citv  of  Manila.  The  small  Province  of  Batanes  for  the  pur- 
pose of  electing  a senator  is  to  be  regarded  as  a part  of  the  Province 
of  Caga}’'an. 

The  house  of  representatives  is  to  be  composed  of  87  members, 
elected  biennially  from  the  assembly  districts  as  at  present  consti- 
tuted, except  that  the  ^lountain,  Agusan,  and  Nueva  Vizca3'a  Prov- 
inces shall  each  elect  one  and  the  Moro  Province  three  representatives. 

Each  male  citizen  21  vears  of  age  or  over,  who  has  been  a resident 
of  the  Philippines  for  one  3^ear  and  of  the  municipalitv  in  which  he 
shall  olTer  to  vote  for  six  months,  and  who  either  had  held  ollice  under 
Spanish  rule,  or  who  owns  ])ropert3"  to  the  value  of  500  pesos,  or  pays 
annual  taxes  to  the  amount  of  30  jiesos  or  more,  or  who  is  able  to 
read  and  write  either  Spanish,  English,  or  a native  language  is  declared 
to  be  a qualified  voter.  Senators  and  representatives  must  be  25 
3"ears  of  age  and  able  to  read  and  write  either  S]>anish  or  English. 

From  the  foregoing  it  will  be  noted  that  the  chief  respects  in  which 
the  Congress  provided  for  in  this  bill  dilfers  from  the  present  legisla- 
ture are,  fii’st,  that  both  of  its  branches  are  elective;  second,  that 
the  inhabitants  of  the  non-Christian  Provinces  are  given  representa- 
tion in  both  bodies;  and  third,  that  the  ability  to  read  and  write  a 
native  language  is  made  to  fulfill  the  educational  test. 

A glance  at  the  structure  of  the  Philippine  Legislature  and  a cursory 
examination  of  the  various  and  complex  functions  of  the  commission 
make  apparent  the  necessity  for  radical  changes  in  that  bod\".  The 
commission,  as  has  been  shown,  is  comjiosed  of  appointive  members, 
of  whom  one  is  the  chief  executive  of  the  Phihppme  Islands.  As  a 


INDEPENDENT  GOVERNMENT  FOR  THE  PHILIPPINES. 


15 


constituent  part  of  the  legislature  it  participates,  together  with  the 
assembly,  in  all  legislation  relating  to  the  affairs  of  the  general  gov- 
ernment of  the  organized  Provinces.  It  is,  however,  under  the  law, 
the  sole  legislative  body  for  the  non-Christian  Provinces,  and  as  such 
assmnes  the  pow’er  and  authority  to  appropriate  money  out  of  the 
general  funds  of  the  insular  treasury  for  uses  in  non-Chirstian  territory 
without  the  assent  of  the  assembly. 

The  commission,  therefore,  not  only  shares  with  the  assembly  the 
powder  to  legislate  for  the  Christian  people  of  the  islands,  but  it 
exercises  the  exclusive  power  of  legislating  for  the  non-Christian 
tribes.  It  not  only  expends  the  revenues  raised  in  the  non-Christian 
Provinces  for  the  exclusive  benefit  of  the  inhabitants  of  those  Prov- 
inces, but  it  actually  appropriates  for  their  use  and  benefit  such  other 
funds  as  it  mav  deem  necessary  out  of  the  insular  treasury,  funds 
raised  by  the  legislature.  This  is  a most  anomalous  condition  of 
affairs,  and  it  is  not  surprising  that  it  has  given  rise  to  much  unfa- 
vorable comment  and  been  productive  of  serious  friction.  In  addi- 
tion to  tliis  incongruous  mixture  of  legislative  power,  four  of  the 
members  of  the  commission  are  heads  of  executive  departments  and 
one  is  the  Governor  General.  Thus  it  is  seen  that  all  the  executive 
authority  in  the  Philippines  is  vested  in  a majority  of  the  commis- 
sion. The  secretary  of  the  interior,  under  whose  department  the 
affairs  of  the  non-Christian  tribes  are  administered,  is  for  aU  practical 
purposes  their  governor  and  legislature.  The  elective  assembly  has 
no  share  in  the  government  of  the  non-Christians  and  without  the 
concurrence  of  the  commission  can  not  legislate  for  the  Christian 
population.  This  is  a condition  of  affairs  which,  in  our  opinion, 
needs  to  be  remedied.  Experience  in  the  Philippine  Islands,  as  else- 
w’here,  has  showui  that  there  should  be  a complete  separation  of  the 
executive  and  legislative  functions  of  government. 

Giving  representation  to  the  people  of  the  non-Christian  Provinces 
marks  a decided  departure  from  the  policy  which  has  heretofore 
obtained  in  respect  to  them.  These  Provinces  will  be  represented 
in  the  Philippine  Congress,  if  this  bUl  becomes  law,  by  four  senators 
and  six  representatives.  This  is  a fair  proportion  of  the  total  mem- 
bership of  the  two  houses  according  to  population,  and  yet  small 
compared  to  the  whole  number  of  senators  and  representatives.  It 
must  be  borne  in  mind  in  this  connection  that  there  are  quite  a num- 
ber of  civilized  Christians  residing  in  non-Christian  Provinces.  Espe- 
cially is  this  true  of  the  Moro  Province,  where,  as  has  been  shown, 
about  one-half  of  the  population  of  the  city  of  Zamboango  are 
Christians.  Moreover,  there  are  among  the  Moros  themselves,  as 
well  as  among  the  Igorots,  a considerable  number  w^ho  are  classified  in 
the  census  as  civilized.  The  educational  and  property  qualifications 
prescribed  will,  however,  unquestionably  restrict  tne  electorate  of  the 
Moro  Province  to  a greater  extent  than  will  be  the  case  in  the  organ- 
ized Christian  Provinces,  but  with  the  spread  of  education  there  will 
be  a steady  increase  in  the  number  of  those  who  can  exercise  the  right 
of  suffrage. 

There  has  been  much  comment  upon  and  many  unfair  deductions 
dra'wn  from  the  fact  that  there  were  only  200,000  votes  cast  at  the 
last  election  for  assemblymen.  The  proportions  of  this  vote  may  be 
easily  accounted  for.  In  the  first  place  many  of  the  electorate  were 
indifferent  as  to  the  exercise  of  their  political  rights  because  they  felt 


16 


INDEPENDENT  GOVERNMENT  FOB  THE  PHILIPPINES. 


that,  inasmuch  as  the  assembly  would  be  powerless  to  accomplish 
anything  without  the  concurrence  of  the  commission,  it  would  be 
little  more  than  a moot  assembly. 

But  this  comparatively  small  vote  may  be  mainly  accounted  for 
by  the  fact  that  the  educational  test  then  applied  restricted  the  voting 
to  those  who  could  read  and  write  eitl^^r  the  Enghsh  or  the  Spanish 
language.  The  one  respect  in  which  this  bill  proposes  to  change  the 
suffrage  qualifications  of  the  present  law  is  to  permit  those  who  can 
read  and  write  in  anv  language  to  vote.  It  is  obvious  that  this  wdU 
immensely  increase  the  electorate,  and  of  itself  result  in  a very  heavy 
vote  in  the  future. 

The  Philippine  Assembly  has  more  than  justified  the  faith  of  those 
who  have  steadfastly  maintained  that  the  Philippine  people  are 
capable  of  popular  self-government.  There  have  now  been  two 
legislatures,  the  inaugural  session  of  the  first  having  been  convened 
on  October  16,  1907.  The  membership  of  the  two  assembhes  was  in 
the  main  composed  of  wise,  patriotic,  and  thoroughly  capable  legis- 
lators. The  testimony  is  all  to  the  effect  that  the  delegates  devoted 
themselves  earnestly,  assiduously,  and  patriotically  to  the  perform- 
ance of  their  duties  and  that  they  showed  a marked  aptitude  for 
legislative  work.  No  small  number  of  them  displayed  conspicuous 
abffity.  President  Taft,  who  was  then  Secretary  of  War,  was  present 
at  the  opening  of  the  first  legislature,  and  in  an  elaborate  report 
subsequently  made  by  lum  had  this  to  say  of  the  assembly: 

The  assembly  has  shown  a most  earnest  desire,  and  its  leaders  have  expressed  with 
the  utmost  emphasis  their  intention,  to  labor  for  the  material  prosperity  of  the  Philip- 
pines and  to  encourage  the  coming  of  capital  and  the  development  of  the  various  plans 
for  the  improvement  of  the  ^iculture  and  business  of  the  islands  which  have  com- 
mended themselves  to  those  in  the  past  responsible  for  the  government  there. 

When  Mr.  Taft  wrote  his  report,  the  legislature  had  not  been  in 
session  sufficiently  long  to  enable  him  io  speak  as  to  the  manner  in 
which  the  assembly  actually  performed  its  legislative  duties.  In  an 
article  written  by  Dr.  James  Alexander  Kobertson,  reviewing  the 
work  of  the  extraordinary  session  of  the  second  Philippine  Legislature, 
which  appeared  in  the  November,  1910,  number  of  the  American 
Political  Science  Review,  the  writer  has  much  to  say  that  is  highly 
commendatory  of  the  assembly,  or  popular  branch,  of  that  body. 
Dr.  Robertson,  who  is  the  librarian  of  the  Philippine  Library,  and 
who  therefore  has  had  exceptional  opportunities  for  observing  the 
assembly  at  close  range,  says  of  it,  among  other  things: 

WTien  one  considers  the  lack  of  opportunity  that  the  Filipinos  have  had  for  repre- 
sentative government,  this  extraordinary  session  marks  an  epoch  in  the  history  of  the 
Philippine  Islands.  This  remark  is  no  idle  panegyric,  but  is  based  on  actual  contact 
and  conversation  with  various  members  of  the  assembly,  as  well  as  attendance  at  many 
of  the  open  meetings  of  the  assembly. 

The  assembly  just  closed  was  remarkable  in  several  respects — for  the  discipline 
exercised  by  the  speaker;  for  the  great  earnestness  displayed  by  the  representatives 
in  general;  for  their  dignity  of  bearing;  and  for  their  freedom  from  jingoism;  and, 
outwardly  at  least,  from  party  passion — outwardly,  I say,  because  considerable 
party  passion  and  personal  feeling  did  at  times  creep  into  committee  and  secret 
meetings.  In  general,  it  may  be  said  that  this  assembly,  in  its  quietness  and  dignity 
of  action,  has  established  a precedent  that  can  be  well  taken  as  a form  for  future 
sessions. 

Among  the  delegates  who  have  shown  high  order  of  ability  may  be 
mentioned  Senor  Sergio  Osmena,  the  speaker  or  presiding  officer,  and 
Senor  Vicente  Singson.  These  two  Fffipino  statesmen,  the  two  most 


INDEPENDENT  GOVEENIMENT  FOR  THE  PHILIPPINES. 


17 


striking  figures  in  the  assembly,  are  the  leaders,  respectively,  ot  the 
Nacionalista  and  Progresista  parties.  Of  Speaker  Osmena  Mr.  Taft 
said  in  the  report  hereinbefore  referred  to: 

He  is  a young  man,  not  30,  but  of  great  ability,  shrewdness,  high  ideals,  and  yet  very 
practical  in  his  methods  of  dealing  with  men  and  things.  The  assembly  could  have 
done  nothing  which  indicated  its  good  sense  so  strongly  as  the  selection  of  Senor 
Osmena  as  its  presiding  officer. 

There  are  many  who  regard  Senor  Pablo  Ocampo,  at  one  time 
Resident  Commissioner  to  the  United  States,  now  a delegate  from  the 
city  of  ^Manila,  as  the  equal  in  ability  of  either  Osmena  or  Singson. 
The  names  of  many  other  delegates  possessing  superior  intelligence 
and  high  ideals  might  be  mentioned,  such,  for  instance,  as  Gregorio 
Nieva,  Jaime  C.  de  Veyra,  Alberto  Barretto,  Thomas  G.  Del  Rosario, 
Mariano  Ponce,  and  Macario  Adriatico,  the  last  named  being  the 
representative  of  the  partially  organized  Proifince  of  Mindoro. 

A people  who  have  made  so  manifest  their  capacity  for  the  per- 
formance of  the  legislative  functions  of  popular  government  as  the 
Philippine  people  have  done  in  the  past  five  years,  as  is  shovm  in  the 
history  of  the  popular  branch  of  the  Philippine  Legislature,  can,  it  is 
believed,  be  safely  intrusted  with  the  exercise  of  full  legislative  power. 
There  is  no  good  reason  for  believing  that  the  same  discriminating 
judgment  will  not  be  shown  in  the  future  by  the  Philippine  people 
m the  election  of  the  upper  house  of  a Philippine  Congress  as  has  been 
demonstrated  in  the  past  in  the  selection  of  the  membership  of  the 
present  popular  assembly. 

The  first  general  election  for  senators  and  representatives  of  the 
Philippine  Congress  is  not  to  take  place  until  the  year  1913,  and  the 
bill  expressly  provides  that  during  the  existence  of  the  eight-year 
provisional  government  the  President  of  the  United  States  shall  have 
absolute  veto  power  over  any  bill  which  it  may  pass.  It  further  pro- 
vides that  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  may  during  that  period 
annul  any  bill  passed  by  the  Philippine  Congress.  Moreover,  during 
this  period  the  President  of  the  Philippines  is  also  given  the  right  to 
exercise  the  veto  power  over  all  legislation  enacted  by  the  Philippine 
Congress. 

THE  CHIEF  EXECUTIVE. 

The  bill  provides  that  the  executive  power  of  the  Phihppines  for  a 
period  of  eight  years,  commencing  on  ,the  4th  day  of  July,  1913, 
shall  be  vested  in  a president  to  be  appointed  by  the  President  of  the 
United  States,  by  and  with  the  consent  of  the  Senate  of  the  United 
States,  who  shall  hold  his  office  for  a term  of  four  years.  During  this 
period  of  eight  years  the  power  of  the  president  of  the  Phihppines  to 
make  treaties  with  the  concurrence  of  two-thirds  of  the  Senate  of  the 
Philippines,  wiU  be  subject  to  the  approval  of  the  President  and  two- 
thirds  of  the  members  of  the  Senate  of  the  United  States.  After  the 
4th  day  of  July,  1921,  the  president  of  the  Philippines  is  to  be  elected 
by  the  qualified  voters  thereof. 

EXECUTIVE  OFFICES. 

In  addition  to  the  appointment  of  secretaries  of  the  departments  of 
the  interior,  commerce  and  police,  finance  and  justice  and  pubhc 
instruction,  as  those  departments  are  at  present  constituted,  the 
H.  Kept.  606,  62-2 2 


18  INDEPENDENT  GOVERNMENT  FOE  THE  PHILIPPINES. 

president  of  the  Philippines  is  authorized  to  appoint  a secretary  of 
state  and  a secretary  of  war  and  navy,  except  that  for  the  period  of 
eight  years  succeeding  the  4th  day  of  July,  1913,  the  President  of 
the  United  States,  by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Senate 
thereof,  shall  appoint  the  secretary  of  state.  As  the  duties  of  the 
secretary  of  state  wiU  concern  the  foreign  relations  of  the  Philippines, 
and  the  exercise  thereof  might  in  some  way  involve  the  United  States 
during  the  existence  of  the  provisional  government,  it  was  deemed 
wise  that  this  official  should  be  appointed  by  the  President  of  the 
United  States  during  that  period. 

The  sections  of  the  bill  to  which  attention  has  thus  been  specifi- 
cally directed,  embrace  what  are  regarded  as  its  most  important  and 
far-reaching  features.  The  remaining  sections  do  not  involve  any 
radical  changes  in  the  existing  organic  law  and  relate  more  or  less  to 
matters  of  detail. 

In  conclusion,  it  is  only  necessary  to  add  that,  in  the  opinion  of  this 
committee,  if  this  bill  as  amended  is  enacted  into  law,  it  will  enable 
the  Philippine  people  to  set  up  a stable  and  enduring  government  of 
their  own.  The  act  by  which  the  United  States  shall  forever  relin- 
quish sovereignty  over  the  PhiUppine  Islands  and  give  to  their  inhabit- 
ants an  independent  government  republican  in  form  \vill  constitute 
a glorious  page  in  the  history  of  the  American  Republic. 

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